The difficulties awaiting the new South Sudan

I hope that by tomorrow evening, after the new South Sudanese national anthem has been played for the first time and the cheer squads and bands have disbanded, ordinary South Sudanese will be treated in all material respects like any other citizen.
I believe that you will be free.
From the state, fear, hardship, religious persecution, and interference with his spoken and written word.
However, in both the long and short term, will South Sudan fully fulfill its role in the international community and emerge as a model sovereign state with a transparent administrative capacity that takes full responsibility for the welfare of its people?
Please, I’m not at all confident.
During the transition period, a huge opportunity was missed to address a very important issue if not consciously avoided, so this was considered a “taboo” and was swept under the carpet for the time being, preventing the raising of the independence flag.
Some of these are historical and cultural, others are internal power struggles between tribes and politicians, fears of national security, international mineral and land grabbers and untrustworthy companies.
Some are tied to overwhelming and uncontrollable conflicts of interest on the part of corporations.
neighbors.
Tribalism obstacles are indeed one of the South volcanic that erupt unpredictably from time to time bringing devastation and terror and was there since elephants roamed the marshes, pointing specifically to the Dainka versus Nuier supremacy claims, to say the least this has been instituted now, as personal intrasigence, tribal at heart, firmly now embedded in the new to be born Country politics, where calls for arms and guns pointing as away to resolve even trivial issues are part of Southern Sudanese worriers tribalism customs is today adopting what comes methods beside stay low for now but stay put, and continued diversions of blames to any other than the core historical and cultural issues was and still the norms, as we witnessed just in the past few years during this transitional period these fights claimed the lives and displaced victims more than on any period in the last odds years, and its only a matter of when the defeated party is to regroup and start all over again.
Also sadly there is widely wrong assumption especially by outsider’s observers, that South Sudan is a one bordered continent and its people by now know each other. The fact is some parts of the South know little if nothing at all about other parts of their new country other than as a different kingdoms and clans territories where they avoid to venture over let alone integrate and learn how to live with, some are due to the harsh terrain of the area and the logistical limiting movement during certain seasons where contact in the past before the war, is mostly during the dry grassing period crossing over their tribal boarders, for most of them these areas is their state boarders for others who inhabited the water marches in the past they see the dried-up or logged expanding land borders are their rightful inherited lands, although some may say during the last drought years and the war displacement period, internally in the South or abroad, brought many tribes together at some points, also then organised armed faction open recruiting drive integrated most of the South different tribes younger’s and this will contribute as today to the awareness to see the South as a one country and help in integration in the long term. . but the land ownership and internal boarders issues are a major headachy, its basically now New South Sudan is small big old Sudan!
Another issue that nationally and international discussed threat to the new born South is the threat from the North again this bluntly exaggerated fears and trickled down to boarders issues and oils, the real fear if to be from the North is the expulsion of all Southerner to the South boarders or where sooner or later they will start to return, this a very large number of people and tribes too who use to move forth and back normally or economically or those who fled during the war, some did not take part in the war, others in fears of tribal or faction disputes all now have to go back and face the old live, here again lands dispute, politics and so on are awaiting worse if they resolve to solve it by the old methods.
The oil issue between North-South in regards to sharing, pipeline, and so on, also was an intentionally internationally exaggerated fear that to become the new South Sudan first national security issue, where all think “not Southerners” apart of the SPLM/A politicians who have personal interest on this! the option is to direct the oil transportation across its southern boarder countries namely Kenya and Uganda ,I think those who addressing this issue, to put it bluntly here again, do not have a zot of knowledge about the Southern Sudanese, a part of its geographical spot and are all black and christians! Or just another business opportunity!, The fact is South Sudan will have to trust its national security with its North old enemy more than a wish washy long term envisaged as will always be stable relationship with either Kenya or Uganda, where another historical, tribal and boarder’s over looked time ticking bomb are there.
Another Taboo of all Taboo’s a part of the six thousands educated and 150000 trained solders ready for another job from the eight millions estimated population where here the rest of them the only job they know or will do is herding their not for commercials cattle’s, and through history no government in the past managed to shift them or entice them to participate in other economic sector i.e. agriculture, and now the oil industry too, fair to say they know nothing about agriculture and so on, and see naturally herding is part of their culture and way of live ,but they do resist fiercely to change, here will eventually pop the questions who will do the urgently needed development work where the small educated numbers see it as their right to manage it but not to labour for it, even in the past short transitional period they relied on huge foreign labour while the whole country are jobless needless to say all poorly living and in need but careless about who will do the work for them, and not willing to do it, this may sound odds, but again in the past they are not dependable on income from the new oil sector but their known work and living in hunting and herding, the majority now are not, but nothing they can do here and the only milking cow “the oil industry” or the other just sprung hospitality businesses have to depend and rely on trained foreign labour and its income is naturally going to go abroad, but not unless they chose to be just a consumers, again locally in towns some are resenting this and creating flash disputes directed towards these new foreign companies and its government, on the other hand there is no economic sector that the government could create to accommodate all, if they managed to convince them to take part, for the short term, of course it found the answer for now is the Army !but what is the task there in short term feature if such argument is needed?.Bearing in mind the new country now spending most of its only income buying arms?
Finley ones have say it’s a great job and well-done to those countries who guarded the CPA, the last hurdle will tell if we to have “Romancing The Stone” ending.
Hatim El madani

No more Malesh we welcome the ICC move

Last Updated: Oct 27, 2009 – 9:33:43 PM

No more Malesh we welcome the ICC move

Sudan is known for its laid-back attitude, often summed up by the word “Malesh,” which means “never mind” or “it doesn’t matter.” But that’s changing. Now, justice is what matters, and it must not only be served but seen to be served. This is the first step towards a just and stable Sudan, where the people can live in peace and security.

The regime’s reaction to the ICC’s move was as predictable as the final days of the infamous Numairi regime. Omar al-Bashir and his supporters might have fooled themselves into believing they could get away with their old tricks, but not everyone was so gullible. Some of his followers are beginning to realize that justice is catching up with them, and they can no longer twist their way out of accountability.

It worries me to think that these criminals are Sudanese or, even worse, Muslims. It’s as if they’ve become numb to the crimes they’ve committed, or that they’ve ordered, or that were carried out by their loyalists. How do they sleep at night?

Like many Sudanese, I feel ashamed by the tarnishing of our country’s name, stained with words like “terrorist,” “fanatic,” “racist,” “genocide,” and “starvation.” This is what the regime has brought upon us, and it needs to end.

For nearly four decades, we’ve been sickened by the lack of accountability among these military dictators and their cronies, and even more by the militias, warlords, and financial criminals who have made our lives miserable. Since the honorable uprising of March-April 1985, there has been a daily prayer whispered by the starving, the homeless, and those in refugee camps: “Rabana yantagim lina min Al-sadanah Tujar Al-Aish wa El-Deen.” In other words, “God, avenge us from the regime’s fanatics, the religious manipulators, and the merchants of grain.” This is why the regime’s leaders must face justice, and why every honest Sudanese has a duty to ensure that the promise of the 1985 uprising is not broken.

There are a million reasons why ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo should add more names to the list of Sudanese war criminals. Despite the noise and confusion created by fanatical protesters, this is no longer a matter of nationalism. We’ve tried to reason with the regime, explaining that the root of Sudan’s crisis lies with them. But they didn’t care about anyone’s feelings, even when we spoke their language.

Sudan has seen no peace since these fanatics with their imported ideologies took power. For centuries, our people adhered to Sufi traditions, embracing tolerance with Christians and Jews, whom Islam considers “People of the Book.” Yet during this regime, these precepts offered little protection for non-Muslims and even less for those in places like Darfur.

The ICC’s focus on human rights violations and religious oppression is just the beginning. There is a criminal network of thousands who have siphoned off Sudan’s resources, hiding their loot in banks abroad. That’s why we call on the international banking system, particularly in Saudi Arabia, Kenya, Malaysia, Japan, China, South Africa, Egypt, and the Gulf States, to take a stand against these financial crimes.

As for the ongoing war in Darfur, it’s clear that neither the warring factions nor the international community is seriously interested in ending it. Rebel leaders who have stained their hands with the blood of their own people should not be mistaken for a hopeful future.

The international community must step up, not only to protect the people of Darfur but also to ensure the safety of aid workers and international troops on the ground. The people of Sudan are smoldering, waiting for a spark to ignite them into action.

Finally, if peace is to prevail, the 1990 Cairo Agreement must be implemented, ensuring that no party or group can stand for election on religious, tribal, or racial lines. The future of Sudan depends on it.

by Hatim El Madani* Sudaneseonline.com

NO election and NO..NO to ICC postponement


NO election and NO..NO to ICC postponement. by Hatim El-Madani*
Sudaneseonline.com

Leaving behind the National Congress Party’s perennial tactics of obfuscation and chameleon-like illusions to distract from calls for their departure and accountability, the Sudanese people’s demand echoes resoundingly. This is no mere grudge held by a solitary political opponent or dissenting voice; it is an unwavering chorus sung by all Sudanese parties, agreed upon and signed in Cairo 1990 and Asmara 1995, vowing to uphold democracy’s tenets.
A parliamentary act weeks before its dissolution in 1989 saw all but the NCP pledge to protect democracy, demanding that no political group participate on religious or tribal platforms. These values became cornerstones in negotiations with the regime, echoed by armed militias, including their current partner, the SPLM, and the Darfuri SLM, among others. The vow represents the collective will of the Sudanese people.
The Sharia Conundrum
For the Islamists, the crux lies in Sharia Law, a slogan used to radicalize the illiterate masses for sinister purposes beyond the law itself. This matter should be subject to a national referendum after a clear draft is debated by a future parliament, not a campaign or manifesto issue.
Conditions for Participation
If the NCP wishes to participate in the political process, certain conditions must be met: the dismantling of its infamous security apparatus and armed militias, a national process of financial accountability and cleansing, and reforms of state governing departments. Without these vows being kept, there is no point in entertaining future promises.
The Spectre of Sham Elections
With less than five months until the NCP’s unilaterally planned elections, the media remains under their control, dissenting voices imprisoned, politicians detained, women flogged and humiliated for their attire, Darfurians confined to IDP camps, and extremist jihadists marching the streets. The notion of free elections under such circumstances is laughable, and these are no exaggerations of the situation on the ground. There can be no election with them in power, full stop.
The ICC and the Path to Justice
Regarding the International Criminal Court (ICC) issue, it is wise to remember that the international community jointly referred their crimes to the ICC after exhausting all remedies. We must not indulge in doubting the victims’ claims or portraying them as pursuing “militias’ agendas and vendettas,” especially when the majority do not feel safe to come forward in their own country. We ought to respect the judges and prosecutors tasked with this responsibility, as the case is only in pre-trial evaluations. Any attempt to undermine their credibility could be seen as an attempt to influence the course of justice and unduly mitigate the situation.
Those who claim expertise and express opinions on everything, only to later distance themselves from solutions or claim prescience in the event of justice’s failure, are mere alarmists. Their sensational rumors reported as facts regarding the expected reaction to the ICC outcome by the NCP’s vigilante force are baseless and serve only to legitimize threats through prediction. If carried out, these would be the common thuggish reactions to justice that have marked this mafia’s rule from day one, and the international community should not be blackmailed by such behavior.
What is truly baffling is the discounting of the fact that the international community’s referral of the case to the ICC itself acknowledges that crimes against humanity have been committed, rendering further debate and trade-offs unnecessary. It is pathetic to debate whether the admitted slaughter of innocents constitutes genocide or “only” nine thousand victims, or to quibble over methods of counting skulls.
The Path Forward
This juncture with the ICC in Africa should be fully supported by all who seek the benefits of justice and accountability that brought civility and progress to Europe after years of bloodshed, hatred, and extremism. Justice should never be a trading card, bottled, colored, or cultured. It may not be an instant, fruitful remedy, but it is the right path for the long-term rule of law in Sudan, without which fair elections or democratization cannot take place.
If the ICC is set upon trying them, we should do all in our power to ensure they stand before it, publicizing its course as a deterrent to tyrants, killers, and warlords, and assuring victims that no bullying power will stand between them and their wishes for just justice. Future ethnic or religious war perpetrators, dictators, and warlords in Africa or the world will bear this in mind.


Hatim El-Madani*

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